A Wounded Nation

A WOUNDED NATION

Distinguished Guests
Ladies and Gentlemen:

Before I proceed, permit me to thank you for this privilege to be your keynote speaker today. You really do me a great honor, for which I am truly grateful.

From the time I left the Senate, it has been my preference to avoid, as much as possible, any form of public engagement because I wanted to enjoy the serenity of private life. However, in view of the current bleak condition of our country and the importance and prestige of Lions Clubs as a forum to discuss matters of public concern, I have decided to accept your invitation.

There is no better audience than you are to inform and enlighten the public about important events that affect our society. For you are among the most enlightened and influential sectors of our human community. You can easily understand and feel the dynamics of events in our society. And you have the influence and the capacity to generate and mold the necessary public opinion that can effectively be employed to deal with them.

Now, whether you agree with me or not, I dare say that we have a severely wounded nation.

Why do I say that?

Well, it is a fact that we have had a popularly and freely elected President, and yet he has been deposed. He is now languishing in jail, and he is awaiting his conviction for the heinous crime of plunder.

On the other hand, we have in Malacañang someone who has been installed as President of the country through a secret cabal of religious, business, police, military, and civil society elite. Now she rules our land by virtue of a judicial fiat of our Supreme Court.

Rightly or wrongly, many of our countrymen as well as foreign observers perceive her to be an illegitimate president.

Because of this national circumstance, we are now gripped by a turbulent and bitter political and social disunity that is tearing the country apart.

The first major sign of this deep division was the spontaneous demonstration of the people's wrath and protest over the public humiliation of their elected leader, Joseph Estrada, which erupted after his arrest, and which led to the May 1, 2001 incident. They called it "EDSA-TRES" if only to drive home the point that they too have an equal right to have their voices heard in that symbolic place that is EDSA, which the so-called "civil society" supporters of Gloria Macapagal Arroyo and the Church claim as their exclusive domain.

This time, the restiveness of the nation has finally exploded into the open before the eyes of the world in a recent military challenge mounted by bright and promising junior officers. The hostile event was staged in the central business district of the country. And the confrontation, though bloodless, has jolted the nation and has since caused great anxiety and jitters to many of our people, especially to our businessmen, ever since.

The aborted military commotion in Makati on 27 July 2003 was but the latest, and by far the most serious and dangerous, manifestation of the growing and deepening decay and disaffection in our society after Edsa II.

That latest virulent armed disturbance from a segment of our military had its roots in a culture of violence, which has now found itself embedded in the Constitution. And this culture of violence has been glamorized, glorified, and sanctified in a decision of the Supreme Court that legalized and legitimized Gloria Macapagal Arroyo's ascent to the zenith of political power in the country in 2001.

I do not think anyone could seriously argue that Gloria Macapagal Arroyo's presidency came from a freely given mandate of the people. In fact, she climbed to her high and mighty position through the use of violence when she forcibly deposed her elected predecessor.

Her presidency, to me, has always been nothing but the errant progeny of naked power, which was sired by a military and police coup d'etat.

Indeed, Gloria Macapagal Arroyo conspired with religious, business, civil society, and cause oriented groups that included political leaders and retired as well as active military and police senior officers.

The stark purpose of the conspiracy, I was told, was to unseat the popularly elected President of the Republic through the use of illegitimate and unlawful force.

Gloria Macapagal Arroyo, instead of embracing the rule of law, has cast aside that basic norm of our democratic government that stands "between us and the tyranny of mere will and cruelty of unbridled feeling," to borrow the words of the eminent jurist, Justice Felix Frankfurter, of the United States Supreme Court.

Her conspiracy, I understand, has been planned long before the impeachment of President Joseph Estrada. This was admitted by no less than the First Gentleman who has stated that as early as a year before EDSA II, the plot was already being discussed with elements in the military. And it continued during the impeachment trial in the Senate.

She could not wait for the impeachment trial to terminate. She was determined to supplant the incumbent elected president by whatever means. She was not to be deterred by anyone or anything.

She could not be hindered even by the Constitution that commanded impeachment as the only lawful and acceptable process adopted and authorized by the people to remove their duly elected president.

As we have learned from the book written by Supreme Court Justice Artemio Panganiban, she wrote to the Supreme Court informing it of the supposed "permanent incapacity" of President Joseph Estrada. The book likewise says that the letter was written upon the suggestion of some Supreme Court Justices themselves.

This certainly was in violation of the Constitution which does not give that power to decide on the incapacity of an incumbent President to the Vice President, for the obvious reason that such would be self-serving on the part of the latter who stands to succeed the President.

More than that, she abetted and encouraged, contrary to her oath of office, political and military pressure, which was clandestinely planned and executed, to forcibly overturn and nullify the will of eleven million Filipinos that voted Joseph Estrada to the office as President of the Republic.

She followed the path of violence, rather the path of constitutional process, because it was more expeditious, effective, and far surer way to achieve her premeditated end.

The military and the police were not merely innocent bystanders in that treacherous affair. They were witting and active participants in the conspiracy. Both the military and the police were employed as indispensable cogs in a purely partisan political plot. And of course, without any doubt and as expected, they decided the outcome of the deadly operation.

Fairness impels us at this point to add that the involvement of the military was not the handiwork of rebellious enlisted men. Nor was it the handiwork of some disgruntled junior officers, like the ones who mounted the armed commotion in Makati City on 27 July 2003.

The involvement of the military was solely the decision, initiative, and participation of some top generals, who were in command of the armed forces.

These top generals swore by their sacred honor to preserve and defend the Constitution. But, just like the then Vice President Gloria Macapagal Arroyo, who became subsequently their commander-in-chief, they desecrated and debased the Constitution of the land.

More than that, they betrayed and blackened the honor and tradition of the military organization. They completely ignored the fundamental law of the land, which forbids the armed forces of the country from participating, and thereby getting involved, in partisan political competition.

Edsa II was no less and no more than a partisan struggle for political power. It was a rebellion, pure and simple. It was assisted by a coup d'etat of top generals of the military and the police, to depose the freely elected incumbent president.

The conduct of the top generals of the military was a brazen disregard of their professional duty and moral obligation of fealty, loyalty, and obedience to the Constitution and to the duly constituted authority of the Republic. There was no valid excuse sufficient enough to justify or mitigate such misconduct by our military leaders.

On the contrary, they provided a bad, contemptible if I may say, and dangerous example and precedent to their subordinate officers and men. Now the country feels threatened. It suffers from a great anxiety because of the bad example set by the top generals in Edsa II.

The top generals were led by the Chief of Staff himself. In the chain of command, the Chief of Staff is the highest military commander immediately below the President. He is the direct link of the President with the military and his principal adviser on military and security matters.

As the number one soldier of the Republic and the overall commander of the military organization, the Chief of Staff is entrusted with the singular task and responsibility to protect and preserve the Presidency. It is his sacred duty to defend the seat of political power of the nation to the death, if need be, against any form of predatory force.

However, Chief of Staff Angelo Reyes defaulted in performing his solemn duty at that crucial moment when his gallantry and honor was put to a supreme and final test.

He failed to heed the clarion call of courage, integrity, and loyalty, the three words most familiar to and ingrained in the heart and mind and soul of every graduate of the Philippine Military Academy.

He betrayed the Constitution. He betrayed the Presidency. He betrayed his commander-in-chief. He betrayed the eleven million who voted to make Joseph Estrada the president of the country.

Rather than the protector, the defender, and the preserver of the Constitution that he should have been, he turned himself into its dangerous and perfidious aggressor.

He was the first to commit an act of infidelity to his president. He severed the chain of command at his level and pointed his bayonet at the heart of his commander-in-chief.

He completely forgot the biblical injunction that says, "Thou shalt not follow a multitude to do evil or pervert justice." (Exodus 23:2)

I have not mentioned this to anyone before, but now I will to stress a point. I was asked to join Edsa II before it was launched. The invitation was made while the impeachment trial of President Joseph Estrada was going on.

The first to approach me was an emissary of someone who is now an influential member of the judiciary. I refused the invitation. I told the emissary that I had no desire to participate in a grab for power.

After that, a popular Christian preacher and leader, who is a dear friend and one of the pillars of the current government, asked to see me. We met at La Terrazz of the Inter Continental Hotel. He broached the same invitation to me. Again, I politely declined.

Underlying that decision was my personal assessment that the conditions that brought about EDSA I, in which I participated, were not present and were definitely distinct from the circumstances attendant to the clamor of some sectors for the ouster of President Estrada. Here, we have the democratic institutions at work and available to be explored and utilized by any segment of our society to air their grievances and exact accountability from its elected leaders. We had a President who unquestionably conferred a mandate in a free election.

We had an impeachment trial going on at that time which, had it been allowed to be concluded, would have decided the fate of President Estrada. And, if the people were not satisfied with the outcome of that trial, they enjoyed the freedom of expression and of the press to voice out their disapproval. And ultimately, the people had the weapon of the ballot to cast their judgment on those who they believe betrayed their mandate.

In President Estrada, we did not have an authoritarian ruler. In fact, he never lifted a finger nor used the awesome powers he had in his hands to prevent that public demonstration at the EDSA Shrine, which later gave a civilian face to the coup that eventually deposed him.

Just like the first EDSA, I was certain that EDSA II would shatter and fragment and disunite our society. I was also certain that it would once again inflict a deep wound to the nation. I was afraid that it would take us again many years, as proven by our experience in EDSA I, to bind and heal the nation's wound.

I explained this to the two men who approached me. I reminded them both about the deleterious effect of what was being proposed. I pointed out to them that it took two presidential elections to pacify the nation after EDSA I.

Evidently, my effort to dissuade was futile and ineffective.

As many anticipated, the country is suffering from the aftermath of EDSA II. The recent incident in the commercial district of Makati City confirms the seething bitterness that has been gradually gnawing the vitals of our society.

President Arroyo now wishes to exact revenge in what she calls "justice" against the young officers who participated last July 27. This will surely exacerbate the already tense and volatile situation. And, true to form, she has also vowed to go after the so-called "civilian supporters and sympathizers" - a catchall phrase she employs to forcibly implicate and muzzle the legal opposition.

The Holy Book says "You reap what you sow." In 2001, Gloria Macapagal Arroyo has sown violence and perfidy, so she must reap the thorny and bitter fruit of that which she had sown.

Because of EDSA II, our social solidity has been shattered and fragmented once more. Our people have lost their cohesion and unity. A wide and deep division now exists amongst us. An atmosphere of disarray prevails over this land. The promised peace, stability, and progress of EDSA II have not been attained. Violence, poverty, and disorder are worsening instead of abating.

The communist insurgency persists. In fact, it has become stronger and more dangerous. The New People's Army has intensified its recruitment and expansion in the countryside. Its financial resources from revolutionary taxes have grown. Metro-Manila is virtually surrounded. Cavite, Laguna, Rizal, Bulacan, and Bataan are heavily affected areas.

The war with the MILF in Mindanao remains unsettled. It threatens to escalate the level of violence in that part of the country in spite of the repeated efforts of Gloria Macapagal Arroyo to appease the Muslim rebels.

She has even enlisted the assistance of Malaysia and the United States to settle that internal conflict -- a loud and clear admission by her that her much publicized "Strong Republic" is so weak as not to be able to muster enough capability of its own to solve a purely domestic problem without the help of foreign governments.

The Abu Sayyaf, a miniscule-armed group, has remained a source embarrassment for the country. And this is true in spite of the employment of so much military assets and resources, and in spite of the assistance of American troops to quell it.

In addition, we now have to contend with international terrorists --like the Jemaah Islamiyah and the Al-Qaeda -- and our own rebellious junior military officers and enlisted men.

On the side of law and order, we feel alarmed. Our homes are no longer safe. People in our streets are exposed everyday to dangers almost similar to the notorious Wild West in American history. Lives, limbs, and property are the daily prey of base and dangerous designs of lawless elements.

Never before were criminals as bold and brazen as they are. Kidnappings, carnappings, holdups, robberies, murders, rapes, and illegal gambling are rampant. They go on with hardly any obstacle under the very noses of our law enforcers. The production and sale of illegal drugs proceed without let up in the very heart of our cities.

Our law enforcers, it is sad to say, are perceived to be incapable of protecting the people. Worse, some are said to be corrupt and remiss in performing their duties. Others are suspected to be themselves involved in the commission of crimes.

Dangerous characters -- like MILF Faisal Marohombsar, a notorious kidnapper, and Indonesian Fathur Rohman al-Ghozi, an international terrorist and bomb-maker with his two Abu Sayyaf cellmates -- could nonchalantly stroll out of their high-security prison cell.

If we look at the economy, the rosy prediction of the government is not validated by reality. Instead, the economy appears bleak, weak, and eroded.

Legions are without jobs and sources of income. Countless suffer from hunger and malnutrition. Many, especially the young, die because of lack of medicine and medical attention. Even those who have jobs, except perhaps some lucky few, can hardly satisfy all their necessities.

Poverty in the country has become appalling. The gap between the poor who are many and the rich who are few has greatly widened.

The cost of basic services like power, water, and petroleum products has increasingly become exorbitant.

Our institutions are losing their luster and glory. Our churches, schools, courts, bureaucracy, police, military as well as our lawmaking body are under severe scrutiny of the people.

Corruption is seen as generally widespread in the government. And, our people have become cynical and mistrustful about politicians.

The corrosive influence of politics has undermined our justice system. The courts are said to be politicized and beholden to politicians. Our justice system is under a thick cloud of suspicion and regarded as unreliable.

The Supreme Court is not spared. It has been criticized for assuming to decide issues that ought to have been left to the people, and for leaving to the people issues that ought to have been properly decided by it.

For the first time in my recollection, the highest court of the land is under indictment before the House of Representatives and before the bar of public opinion.

President Arroyo herself said in her latest SONA that we are at war. We are at war against lawbreakers -- the CPP-NPA-NDF, the MNLF, the MILF, the ABU SAYYAF, the Al-Qaeda and the Jemaah Islamiyah.

We are at war against criminal elements -- kidnappers, carnappers, tax evaders, smugglers, jueteng lords, drug lords, and other lawless bands.

We are at war against poverty, oppression, and injustice.

And we are at war against pervasive corruption in all levels of government.

Yet, we do not have the resources to win the wars. And worse, we do not have a leader that can truly direct, manage, and govern our nation.

We need a leader that can inspire our people. One that can win back and offer hope to the oppressed and the wretched of the earth.

We need a leader that can restore the cohesion and unity of our society and rally our people to cooperate and work together.

We need a leader who would rather serve than be served, who says what he means and means what he says, and who puts duty over ambition and national interest above self-interest.

We need a leader who renders justice to every man alike, whether close to him or not, and who does not regard justice as the interest of the stronger or the doing of good to friends and harm to enemies.

We need a leader who believes in law as the expression of the general will, which must be the same for all, in protecting men as in punishing them, and a leader who embraces the rule of law with fidelity and makes it a political religion of the nation.

We need a leader that does not lust for power. One that does not make the judicial and legislative arms of the government his tools to legitimize the wanton transgression of the laws and the Constitution.

We need a leader that will not pull down the rich to the level of the poor, but rather to lift the poor up and bring them closer to the level of the rich.

We need a leader who has a concrete vision for the country and a sound program of government to serve as our road map and guide in our quest for peace, progress, and stability in our land.

Finally, we need a leader that can bind and heal the wound of this nation.

And so I urge the Lions over the length and breadth of the Republic to lead us in ending the division and disunity in our land. I ask you to use your organization and influence to help our people overcome and transcend their poverty and want.

Let us all join our hands together to search and find that leader we need to bring peace, progress, and stability in our society and to bind its wound.

Let us all wisely use the ballot in 2004 to end the present discord that is breaking the nation apart.

And, let us all work together to tame the military genie that was carelessly allowed to unleash itself in January 2001 at Edsa. And let us finally put it back and seal it tightly in the bottle where it must remain secure so that this nation can and shall endure.

Thank you.

Speech delivered by Hon. Juan Ponce Enrile before the Council of Lions Clubs Presidents of Negros 1st Cabinet Meeting and District Convention on 23 August 2003 at the Bacolod Convention Plaza Hotel.